丘吉尔演讲稿英文版
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丘吉尔演讲稿英文版
On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration.
上星期五晚上，我奉陛下之命，组织新的一届政府。
It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.
按国会和国民的意愿，新政府显然应该考虑建立在尽可能广泛的基础上，应该兼容所有的党派。
I have already completed the most important part of this task. A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labor, Opposition and Liberals, the unity of the nation.
我已经完成了这项任务的最主要的部分。
战时内阁已由五人组成，包括工党、反对党和自由党，这体现了举国团结一致。
It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the King tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal Ministers during tomorrow.
由于事态的极端紧急和严峻，新阁政府须于一天之内组成，其他的关键岗位也于昨日安排就绪。
今晚还要向国王呈报一份名单。
我希望明天就能完成几位主要大臣的任命。
The appointment of other Ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects.
其余大臣们的任命照例得晚一些。
我相信，在国会下一次召开时，任命将告完成，臻于完善。
I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today. At the end of today''s proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 2l with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to M. P. ''s at the earliest opportunity.
为公众利益着想，我建议议长今天就召开国会。
今天的议程结束时，建议休会到5月21日，并准备在必要时提前开会。
有关事项当会及早通知各位议员。
I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government. The resolution:
现在我请求国会作出决议，批准我所采取的各项步骤，启示记录在案，并且声明信任新政府。
决议如下：
"That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion."
“本国会欢迎新政府的组成，她体现了举国一致的坚定不移的决心：对德作战，直到最后胜利。”
To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary Phase of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at any other points-in Norway and in Holland-and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.
组织如此规模和如此复杂的政府原本是一项重大的任务。
但是我们正处于历史上罕见的一场大战的初始阶段。
我们在其他许多地点作战--在挪威，在荷兰，我们还必须在地中海做好准备。
空战正在继续，而且在本土也必须做好许多准备工作。
In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or for mer colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.
值此危急关头，我想，即使我今天向国会的报告过于简略，也当能见谅。
我还希望所有在这次改组中受到影响的朋友、同僚和旧日的同僚们对必要的礼仪方面的任何不周之处能毫不介意。
I say to the House as I said to Ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.
我向国会表明，一如我向入阁的大臣们所表明的，我所能奉献的唯有热血、辛劳、眼泪和汗水我们所面临的将是一场极其严酷的考验，将是旷日持久的斗争和苦难。
You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage(作战) war by land, sea and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy.
若问我们的政策是什么?我的回答是：在陆上、海上、空中作战。
尽我们的全力，尽上帝赋予我们的全部力量去作战，对人类黑暗、可悲的罪恶史上空前凶残的暴政作战。
这就是我们的政策。
You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, It is victory. Victory at all costs-victory in spite of all terrors-victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.
若问我们的目标是什么?我可以用一个词来回答，那就是胜利。
不惜一切代价，去夺取胜利--不惧一切恐怖，去夺取胜利--不论前路如何漫长、如何艰苦，去夺取胜利。
因为没有胜利就不能生存。
Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.
我们务必认识到，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国，没有胜利就不复有大英帝国所象征的一切，没有胜利就不复有多少世纪以来的强烈要求和冲动：人类应当向自己的目标迈进。
I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men.
我精神振奋、满怀信心地承担起我的任务。
我确信，大家联合起来，我们的事业就不会遭到挫败。
I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."
在此时此刻的危急关头，我觉得我有权要求各方面的支持。
我要说：“来吧，让我们群策群力，并肩前进!”
相关演讲稿：
马丁路德金英语演讲稿(1)
Martin Luther King Speech - Where do we go from here
Now, in order to answer the question, "Where do we go from here?" which is our theme, we must first honestly recognize where we are now. When the Constitution was written, a strange formula to determine taxes and representation declared that the Negro was 60 percent of a person. Today another curious formula seems to declare he is 50 percent of a person. Of the good things in life, the Negro has approximately one half those of whites. Of the bad things of life, he has twice those of whites. Thus half of all Negroes live in substandard housing. And Negroes have half the income of whites. When we view the negative experiences of life, the Negro has a double share. There are twice as many unemployed. The rate of infant mortality among Negroes is double that of whites and there are twice as many Negroes dying in Vietnam as whites in proportion to their size in the population.
In other spheres, the figures are equally alarming. In elementary schools, Negroes lag one to three years behind whites, and their segregated schools receive substantially less money per student than the white schools. One twentieth as many Negroes as whites attend college. Of employed Negroes, 75 percent hold menial jobs.
This is where we are. Where do we go from here? First, we must massively assert our dignity and worth. We must stand up amidst a system that still oppresses us and develop an unassailable and majestic sense of values. We must no longer be ashamed of being black. The job of arousing manhood within a people that have been taught for so many centuries that they are nobody is not easy.
Depiction of Blackness and Negro Contributions
Even semantics have conspired to make that which is black seem ugly and degrading. In Roget's Thesaurus there are 120 synonyms for blackness and at least 60 of them are offensive, as for example, blot, soot, grim, devil and foul. And there are some 134 synonyms for whiteness and all are favorable, expressed in such words as purity, cleanliness, chastity and innocence. A white lie is better than a black lie. The most degenerate member of a family is a "black sheep." Ossie Davis has suggested that maybe the English language should be reconstructed so that teachers will not be forced to teach the Negro child 60 ways to despise himself, and thereby perpetuate his false sense of inferiority, and the white child 134 ways to adore himself, and thereby perpetuate his false sense of superiority.
The tendency to ignore the Negro's contribution to American life and to strip him of his personhood, is as old as the earliest history hooks and as contemporary as the morning's newspaper. To upset this cultural homicide, the Negro must rise up with an affirmation of his own Olympian manhood. Any movement for the Negro's freedom that overlooks this necessity is only waiting to be buried. As long as the mind is enslaved, the body can never be free. Psychological freedom, a firm sense of self-esteem, is the most powerful weapon against the long night of physical slavery. No Lincolnian Emancipation Proclamation or Johnsonian Civil Rights Bill can totally bring this kind of freedom. The Negro will only be free when he reaches down to the inner depths of his own being and signs with the pen and ink of assertive manhood his own Emancipation Proclamation. And, with a spirit straining toward true self-esteem, the Negro must boldly throw off the manacles of self-abnegation and say to himself and to the world, "I am somebody. I am a person. I am a man with dignity and honor. I have a rich and noble history. How painful and exploited that history has been. Yes, I was a slave through my fore parents and I am not ashamed of that. I'm ashamed of the people who were so sinful to make me a slave." Yes, we must stand up and say, "I'm black and I'm beautiful," and this self-affirmation is the black man's need, made compelling by the white man's crimes against him.
现在,为了回答这个问题,“我们该何去何从呢?”是我们的主题,我们首先必须坦白承认我们现在是在什么地方。
当美国宪法形成书面的文本时,一个陌生的公式来决定税收和表示宣布黑人是60%的人。
另一个古怪的公式,今天似乎声称自己是50%的人。
在生命中的美好事物,黑人有大约一半的人。
糟糕的事情,他的生活的那些白人两次。
因此一半的黑人居住环境不达标。
有一半的收入和黑人白人。
当我们的生活的负面经验,黑人有双重的份额。
有两倍的失业。
婴儿死亡率的黑人和白人翻两倍黑人和白人在越南战争中死去的大小比例的人口。
在其他领域,这个数字是同样让人担忧。
在小学里,黑人落后一到三年内,他们背后白人种族隔离的学校的每个学生充分地受到更少的钱比白人学校。
一个黑人和白人二十多上大学。
雇佣黑人,75%的卑微职位举行。
这是我们的位置。
我们该何去何从?首先,我们必须大量维护我们的尊严和价值。
我们必须站起来,在一个系统,以及开发一个压迫我们仍然是无懈可击的宏伟的价值观。
我们必须不再羞愧的是黑色的。
这项工作的人,在一个成年唤起已经教了很多个世纪,他们都没人是不容易的。
描绘的黑暗和黑人的贡献
即使语义学已造成那黑色的丑,可耻的。
在?罗杰的同义词典有120个同义词为黑暗和至少60个都是进攻,例如、玷污、烟尘、残酷,魔鬼和犯规。
还有一些134个同义词和所有优惠,白表达这样的话纯洁、清洁、贞洁、纯真。
一个善意的'谎言比一只黑色的谎言。
最堕落的成员的家庭是一个“害群之马”。
戴维斯奥西(奥斯曼的建议也许英语语言应该重建让老师不会强迫教黑人孩子如何轻视自己60,从而延续他的错误的安全感,白色的孩子自卑的方式来崇拜自己134,从而延续他的假的优越感。
这个倾向于忽视了黑人的美国人的生活,剥去他的战做人,是最早的历史和现代如早晨的报纸。
让这个文化杀人,黑人要起来定一个肯定自己的奥林匹斯已经成年。
任何运动为黑人的自由,俯瞰这需要仅仅是等待。
只要心被奴役,身体就会永远是免费的。
心理自由、严格意义的自尊,是最强大的武器攻击的漫漫长夜里,物理奴隶制。
没有Lincolnian解放宣言或Johnsonian民权法案完全可以把这样的自由。
黑人只能自由时,他一直延伸到他的内心深处的存在和符号与笔和墨水的成年的自信自己解放宣言。
与精神紧张,并向真正的自尊,黑人必须勇敢地抛弃的镣铐,自言自语,贯通于对世界说道:“我是大人物。
我是一个人。
我是一个人的尊严和尊重。
我有一个富有和高贵的历史。
多么痛苦和剥削的历史了。
是的,我是个奴隶穿过我的父母和我不是涌现的羞耻。
我很惭愧,肉体的人,所以让我成为一个奴隶。
”是的,我们必须站起来,说,“我是黑色,我很漂亮,”这个自我的肯定是黑人的需要,使引人注目的白人的罪行起诉他。
基本的挑战,
另一个基本的挑战是如何发现如何组织力量在经济和政治上的权力。
没有人能否认黑人急需这种合法权力。
事实上,有一位伟大的问题是他的黑人面临缺乏力量。
从古老的南方种植的新犹太区的北方,黑人被困于生活的voicelessness和无力。
剥夺权利决定他的生活和命运,他受到了独裁的,有时是异想天开的决策的白色的权力结构。
种植园和黑人区的是由那些曾power.都把那些没有能力和延续他们的无力感。
黑人区的问题,因此,改变是一个问题的power-confrontation势力的权力要求改变力量的力量致力于保护的现状。
现在电力正确理解无非是能达到目的。
这是必须的力量带来的社会、政治和经济的变化。
沃尔特鲁瑟定义的权力的一天。
他说,“权力的控制能力,如美国汽车业的工人工会使最强大的公司,是世界上最通用汽车,说“是”的时候就想说"那是权力。”
现在很多人传教士,和所有的人都有我们的道德信念和担忧,所以经常有问题。
有什么毛病是正确使用电力如果力量。
你看,什么事情是我们的一些哲学家下车的基地。
和最大的问题之一是,历史上的概念被爱和力量对比,如对立两极oppositesNNso爱等同于一个辞职的力量,并与一个否定的爱。
正是这种误解导致尼采,谁是哲学家的权力意志,反对基督教观念的爱。
这是这个相同的误解引起基督教神学家驳回Nietzschean哲学的权力意志之名基督徒爱的观念。
现在,我们必须把这件事吧。
我们需要的是一个没有爱的力量是实现和虐待的,爱鲁莽停电是感伤和贫血。
最好是爱的力量执行正义和公正的力量都是站在爱的修正。
这是我们必须看到我们继续前进。
现在的情况是,我们已经是错误的和困惑在自己的家乡,这使得美国黑人在过去寻求他们的目标,通过电力缺乏爱的良心。
这是导致一些极端分子现在提倡黑人相同的破坏性力量,他们,没有良心的独有的厌恶。
正是这种碰撞不道德的力量与无能为力的道德构成了我们这个时代的重大危机。
克林顿民主党代表大会的演讲稿(2)
Speech Text:
We’re here to nominate a President, and I’ve got one in mind.
I want to nominate a man whose own life has known its fair share of adversity and uncertainty. A man who ran for President to change the course of an already weak economy and then just six weeks before the election, saw it suffer the biggest collapse since the Great Depression. A man who stopped the slide into depression and put us on the long road to recovery, knowing all the while that no matter how many jobs were created and saved, there were still millions more waiting, trying to feed their children and keep their hopes alive.
I want to nominate a man cool on the outside but burning for America on the inside. A man who believes we can build a new American Dream economy driven by innovation and creativity, education and cooperation. A man who had the good sense to marry Michelle Obama.
I want Barack Obama to be the next President of the United States and I proudly nominate him as the standard bearer of the Democratic Party.
我们在这里提名总统候选人，我心里已经有一个人选了。
我将要提名的这个人的妻子已经分享了他的逆境与不平坦，他竞选总统挑战选举六个月前自大萧条以来最大的经济危机，他正在努力阻止这次经济危机变成经济萧条，也正在带领我们走上经济恢复的征程。
他知道不管已经创造了多少工作机会，都有上百万的工作机会需要而去养孩子也让人们更有希望。
我将要提名的总统候选人外冷内热，他相信我们能用我们的智慧，创造力，教育，和合作建立新的“美国梦”经济，这个男人很幸运的娶到了米歇尔。
我将提名巴拉克 美国第44任总统为下届总统候选人，我将提名他为美国民主党的标杆。
In Tampa, we heard a lot of talk about how the President and the Democrats don’t believe in free enterprise and individual initiative, how we want everyone to be dependent on the government, how bad we are for the economy.
The Republican narrative is that all of us who amount to anything are completely self-made. One of our greatest Democratic Chairmen, Bob Strauss, used to say that every politician wants you to believe he was born in a log cabin he built himself, but it ain’t so.
We Democrats think the country works better with a strong middle class, real opportunities for poor people to work their way into it and a relentless focus on the future, with business and government working together to promote growth and broadly shared prosperity. We think “we’re all in this together” is a better philosophy than “you’re on your own.”
在坦帕， 我们听到了不少关于美国第44任总统和民主党不信任自由企业和个人主义的言论，还有我们希望每一个人都依靠政府的力量，还说我们不了解我们现在的经济情况是多么糟糕。
共和党把我们所有的人描述成完全是为自己。
一位民主党主席鲍勃 斯特劳斯总是说每一个政体都想要你相信他出生在自制的小木屋，但事实不是这样的。
我们民主党认为一个国家的中产阶级强大了，这个国家才能强大，给他们提供实质的工作机会让他们能自力更生，让他们参与国家的发展，商业和政府的工作结合起来去让国家发展繁荣。
“我们一直在一起”的口号比“你可以依靠自己”听起来舒服多了。
Who’s right? Well since 1961, the Republicans have held the White House 28 years, the Democrats 24. In those 52 years, our economy produced 66 million private sector jobs. What’s the jobs score? Republicans 24 million, Democrats 42 million!
It turns out that advancing equal opportunity and economic empowerment is both morally right and good economics, because discrimination, poverty and ignorance restrict growth, while investments in education, infrastructure and scientific and technological research increase it, creating more good jobs and new wealth for all of us.
谁是对的呢?从1961年开始，共和党执政了28年，民主党执政24年，在这52年中，在经济发展基础上创造了6600万个工作机会，这些工作在两党之间是怎样分配的呢?共和党是240万，民主党是420万。
这表明促进经济机会和能力的增长在平等权力和经济上起到了平衡的作用，因为种族歧视，贫穷无知限制了经济的发展，而在教育，基础设施建设，科学研究上的投资在增长，这样就能创造更多好的工作和更多的财富。
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